Ulrich Brinkmann & Maurice Laßhof

Academic quarter from the 15th July 2026 with Ulrich Brinkmann and Maurice Laßhof

: Is there right-wing populism within companies? Insights into election research on works councils

The challenge:

Right-wing populist politics is increasingly taking hold within companies and the interest groups operating there. In this context, workplace conflicts can be seized upon and transformed into political conflicts directed against established interest groups. This is particularly evident in the example of the pseudo-trade union ‘Zentrum’. The starting point for the lecture is a research project on works council elections, which examines how political and social developments are reflected in workplace interest groups and in voting behaviour during works council elections. Drawing on 26 qualitative expert interviews, the study examines how ‘Zentrum’ develops within workplaces and what new lines of conflict this gives rise to. Changes within these structures can therefore take on political significance beyond the individual workplace. The empirical data will be supplemented in the course of the project by a quantitative and qualitative employee survey.

From the lecture:

The pseudo-trade union ‘Zentrum’, which emerged at Mercedes, amongst other places, after its founder was expelled from the CGM due to far-right activities, presents itself as a supposed alternative to the established trade unions and directs its conflict primarily against IG Metall and its works councils. These are portrayed as ‘corrupt’ and ‘intertwined’ with the so-called political establishment. It is striking that IG Metall and its works councils appear as the main opponents, whilst management is criticised to a far lesser extent. In doing so, ‘Zentrum’ capitalises on genuine grievances. IG Metall deliberately acts as a lobbying organisation and seeks close ties with politics. However, this political proximity is necessary in order to effectively represent employees’ interests and to influence political decisions. The accusations levelled by “Zentrum” ignore this function and instead portray the representation of political interests as an expression of corruption or alienation. At the same time, “Zentrum” attempts to present itself as an organisation close to employees through a “caretaker policy”. A greater sense of closeness to employees is intended to be created through on-site presence and the purported resolution of specific problems. The connection to the political right also becomes clear. The “Zentrum” network includes, amongst others, the “New Right”, as became clear at the Compact conference in Leipzig. Jürgen Elsässer is quoted as saying that they want to open up a new front within workplaces. The AfD’s stance has also changed. Whilst “Zentrum” was previously described as a “club for troublemakers”, Alice Weidel now openly promotes it. At the same time, the DGB is being portrayed as another enemy. Developments relating to the transformation of the world of work are of particular significance. Changes in employment conditions create uncertainties that can be exploited by right-wing actors. It is evident that they are establishing these new, artificial lines of conflict through populist narratives. Whilst the traditional line of conflict runs between employees and management, with trade unions and works councils representing employees’ interests vis-à-vis management, the conflict within ‘Zentrum’ is increasingly directed vertically against trade unions and their works councils (at the top) and horizontally against the established trade unions (externally). Employees are pitted against a supposedly aloof and corrupt trade union elite. Migration, on the other hand, is hardly ever portrayed as a bogeyman; on the contrary, by emphasising Turkish-German ties, for example, ‘Zentrum’ suggests that it represents the interests of all employees, as it also hopes to secure votes for its own anti-establishment line from employees with a migrant background. The use of workplace structures by right-wing political actors is not an entirely new phenomenon – the NSDAP, too, had once recognised and utilised workplace structures as a political tool through the NSBO.

Perspectives:

The development of ‘Zentrum’ shows that political conflicts are increasingly taking place within workplace representative bodies as well. The decisive shift lies in the transition from the conflict of interests between employees and management to an artificial horizontal and vertical line of conflict. Instead of the conflict being waged primarily between employees and management, established trade unions and works councils themselves become the subject of the conflict — IG Metall appears as a hybrid opponent from both above and outside. This raises the question for trade unions of how they can continue to reach employees – particularly in times of transformation – and visibly represent their interests. At the same time, their necessary proximity to politics must be communicated as part of effective representation of interests, as right-wing actors deliberately portray this as evidence of a supposed alienation from employees. This development thus illustrates how right-wing political movements can capitalise on workplace conflicts and existing discontent and direct them against established trade union structures. ‘Zentrum’ is a prime example of a trend in which right-wing populist politics permeates the workplace, shifts existing lines of conflict and positions itself as a supposedly independent alternative.